By Manfred Berg, Martin H. Geyer
This e-book addresses key concerns within the old fight for civil rights, political rights, and social rights within the usa and Germany from the past due 19th century to the current. The essays deal with concerns akin to the fight for the rights of girls and minorities (including African american citizens, Jews, and Asians), nationwide Socialism and the dismantling of civil rights, and the emergence of the concept that of social rights. What turns into transparent are the original gains that distinguish German from American background and that those changes were created by means of either social pursuits and diverse cultures of rights.
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This can be a massive ebook that reconceptualizes the character of contemporary politics. the normal interpretation privileges the production of an American harmony that resulted from the earliest trials of the chilly warfare and gave upward thrust to a specific model of yank exceptionalism. That exceptionalism combined civil faith, affluence, and center values to create the consensus of a contemporary the USA as mirrored within the post-Cold conflict period.
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Additional resources for Two Cultures of Rights: The Quest for Inclusion and Participation in Modern America and Germany (Publications of the German Historical Institute)
18 Joseph C. Manning, “Suffrage Conditions in Democratic and Republican States Compared,” Crisis 4 (Oct. 1912): 304–8. 40 Manfred Berg colleagues, and the individual ballots of southern voters counted for many times more than those of their fellow citizens in the North due to racial disfranchisement. Hence, former Massachusetts Attorney General Albert Pillsbury argued at the founding conference of the NAACP, more than the voting rights of blacks was at stake: “It is not merely a question of Negro suffrage, or Negro equality.
An 1850 California tax on “foreign miners,” although theoretically affecting all such miners, was collected largely from Chinese, who paid almost all of the $100,000 it raised annually over nearly two decades. That law was the ﬁrst American statute printed in Chinese by order of a legislature. In other states and territories, for example, Idaho, Chinese were simply forbidden to become miners. California imposed special taxes on Chinese laundries, a device emulated in other jurisdictions. The adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868 made discrimination that singled out Chinese difﬁcult to sustain; after that time statutory discrimination was most often effected either by laws barring certain professions and jobs to all aliens – although 9 William M.
Shklar’s argument, however, overemphasizes the symbolic function of the vote. 33 34 Manfred Berg they knew that this would have no impact on the power of white supremacists and might very well jeopardize their livelihoods and even their lives. 3 This chapter does not address familiar questions about why the high hopes associated with voting have inevitably been disappointed. Rather, it seeks to explore the impact that the dual concept of voting had on the discursive strategies of black suffragists.