By Brian Greenhill
Whilst contemplating the constructions that force the worldwide diffusion of human rights norms, Brian Greenhill argues that we have to glance past associations which are explicitly dedicated to human rights and as an alternative concentrate on the dense internet of foreign executive firms (IGOs)-some titanic, a few small; a few concerned about human rights; a few not-that has arisen within the final generations. whereas every one of these enterprises haven't any direct connection to human rights matters, their participation in broader IGO networks has very important implications for the human rights practices in their member states. that includes a rigorous empirical research, Transmitting Rights indicates that nations are likely to undertake related human rights practices to these in their IGO companions, no matter if for greater or worse. Greenhill argues that IGOs represent a tightly-woven textile of ties among states and that this community offers a major channel in which states can impact the habit of others. certainly, his research means that a coverage of setting apart "rogue" states is perhaps self-defeating provided that this may lessen their publicity to a couple of the extra confident IGO-based affects on their human rights. Greenhill's research of the function of IGOs in rights diffusion won't in simple terms raise our knowing of the overseas politics of human rights; it's going to additionally reshape how we expect concerning the position of overseas associations in global politics.
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Extra info for Transmitting Rights: International Organizations and the Diffusion of Human Rights Practices
In an article titled “Democracy from the Outside-In,” Pevehouse (2002) finds that authoritarian states are more likely to undergo a transition to democracy if they belong to IGOs with many democratic members. 11 One of the causal mechanisms Pevehouse identifies involves domestic political actors in authoritarian states—such as business elites—not necessarily being resistant to democratization per se, but nonetheless being concerned with how their business interests will be affected under the new regime.
The second factor is more structural and results from changes in the IGO ties that connect the the state to others. If the state were to join new IGOs or leave existing IGOs, its IGO Context might change if it finds itself being connected to a group of states with a somewhat different human rights profile. Similarly, even if a state were not to undergo any changes in its own pattern of IGO memberships, its IGO Context could still change as a result of the IGOs to which it currently belongs admitting new members or expelling existing ones.
Or—perhaps more realistically—might it imply that all states’ human rights practices will, over time, converge to such an extent that we would no longer observe any meaningful differences among states? To put it more starkly, might it suggest that we will eventually witness a Fukuyaman “end of history” with respect to human rights? The answer is likely to be no, for two main reasons. First, while all diffusion processes imply feedback among the various units of the system, this feedback can be either positive or negative, and the strength of the feedback can be such that it either causes the units to converge towards Ne t w o r k s o f In f l u e n c e 25 some sort of average outcome or to undergo some sort of explosive movement towards an extreme outcome.