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By Louise Chappell, Lisa Hill

This new study reveals how institutional practices and discourses form the way in which women and men are conceived of, and the way via this procedure, gender stereotypes and expectancies are created. knowledgeable by the most modern learn and tendencies, those specialist authors research the way family and international associations form and replicate gender pursuits and the level to which feminists can problem gender norms via political associations. They study neighborhood, nationwide and overseas associations together with the ecu, ICC and UN and take a vast view of political associations to incorporate paperwork; federalism; felony constructions; parliaments; balloting and electoral associations; and media assurance of women’s involvement in such associations. Drawing on reviews within the US, united kingdom, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand this e-book can be of serious curiosity to scholars and students of gender reports, political technology and comparative politics.

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Extra info for The Politics of Women's Interests: New Comparative and International Perspectives (Routledge Research in Comparative Politics)

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Gender divided the world in a binary fashion that provided the means for the articulation and legitimation of power. Like power, gender inhabited social relations including symbols, norms, organizations, institutions and subjective identities (Prügl and Meyer 1999: 5–6). The differences between men and women previously attributed to nature (sex) are now generally seen as socially constructed. But while this may privilege gender over sex, it is not clear why it privileges ‘gender’ over 14 Jill Vickers ‘women’.

Conceptualizing how racialized women can act politically in a world that defines them in essentialistic terms, she believes most racialized women retain some measure of essentialism in their politics. Jhappan explains: Strategic essentialism . . sees identity as a function of context and allows us to stress one or several aspects of our identities according to the axis of oppression at issue in particular situations, without necessarily tying individuals to a specific identity for all times and all purposes.

Many feminists in ‘the West’ believe a politics of ‘women’s interests’ necessarily involves essentialist understandings of women’s experiences; an approach no longer tenable. Consequently, they replace understandings of politics which include both formal (state) and informal (civil society and the private realm) spheres with post-modern ideas of fluid and multiple identities in which ‘gender’ replaces ‘women’ and ‘politics’ is diffused throughout society and discourse. This trend challenges the category of the political as a differentiated activity.

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