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Semi-Citizenship in Democratic Politics - download pdf or read online

By Elizabeth F. Cohen

In each democratic polity there exist participants and teams who carry a few yet no longer all the crucial components of citizenship. students who research citizenship many times grab for shared techniques and language that establish types of club held by way of migrants, little ones, the disabled, and different teams of people who, for varied purposes, are neither complete electorate nor non-citizens. This publication introduces the idea that of semi-citizenship as a method to dramatically strengthen debates approximately people who carry a few yet now not all parts of complete democratic citizenship. by way of analytically classifying the rights of citizenship and their quite a few combos, students can typologize semi-citizens and bring comparisons of alternative types of semi-citizenships and of semi-citizenships in numerous states. The e-book makes use of theoretical research, old examples, and modern situations of semi-citizenship to demonstrate how normative and governmental doctrines of citizenship converge and clash, making semi-citizenship a permanent and inevitable a part of democratic politics.

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As liberal democrats we may desire standing, but we find, both in comparison with less privileged members of our own community, and certainly with members of various other states, that our membership looks a great deal more like status than standing. Shklar approaches citizenship with normative aspirations that Brubaker might find overly optimistic in light of the historical narrative his study reveals. Shklar has a problem with the hierarchical nature of status. But citizenships do create hierarchies, both between haves and have-nots, and within citizenries, as the notion of semi-citizenship implies.

Ellen Kennedy (Cambridge and London: MIT Press, 1985). 32 The Myth of Full Citizenship 29 including – most relevantly to the subject of this study – very specific limits on, and opportunities for, the boundaries of citizenship. 34 A political body must thus be officially designated as possessing the authority to grant, deny, and revoke citizenship. It is tempting to refer to constitutions as combining normative and political authority in a way that positions them to define citizenship. This too turns out not to provide a fully satisfying account of how citizenship is defined.

56–57. ” Thus, “legal status can be the basis for many legal rights, duties, capacities, and incapacities. Only upon gaining the status of a committed mentally ill person, for example, might a hospitalized schizophrenic have a legal right to treatment. ” Failer’s point is consistent with Carl Schmitt’s observation (discussed in Chapter 4) that sovereign power is identifiable by virtue of the fact that it decides on states of exception. Carl Schmitt, The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy, trans.

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