By Bruce Haddock, Peri Roberts, Peter Sutch
An ideal new multi-disciplinary volume for scholars and students of philosophy, modern political idea, and overseas relations.
This quantity bargains key insights into the paintings of the executive figures within the modern debate surrounding skinny universalism and presents a usefully themed contribution to the secondary literature at the paintings of Onora O’Neill, John Rawls, Michael Walzer, Martha Nussbaum, Stuart Hampshire and others in addition to a remark on modern debates surrounding human rights and distributive justice. This new book enables the reader to strongly grasp all the center debates in modern normative theory.
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Of course, the covering law is always a cover for expansion and exploitation. But it would be wrong to assume that that is all it is. There has probably never been a case of national aggrandizement that did not draw on, that did not have to draw on, the idealism of (some of) the members of the nation. And idealism here means their belief in this or that version of covering-law universalism and in themselves as agents of the law. They carry to foreign lands a culture to which other people ought to be assimilated or a doctrine by which they ought to be ruled.
See Ronald Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), pp. 180—83. C. B. Woodham-Smith, The Great Hunger: Ireland, 1845—1849 (London: Harper and Row, 1962). This argument was suggested to me by Adi Ophir. Compare Barrington Moore on ‘the unity of misery and the diversity of happiness’ in Reflections on the Causes of Human Misery and upon Certain Proposals to Eliminate Them (Boston: Beacon Press, 1972), chap. 1. But see Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1988), which suggests that our national communities, though not our nationalist ideologies, are very old.
Now the necessary moral task is admonition, a kind of moral pointing toward the other. Martin Buber provides a nice example, very much in the reiterative mode. ’50 VII The advantage of the reiterative mode is that it recognizes the value of what it admonishes. Confronting nationalist blindness, it is not itself blind to the strength and meaning of nationalism (Buber remained a Zionist). Here the contrast with covering-law universalists is especially clear, and I should like to make this contrast the conclusion of my argument.