By Dan R Warren
This memoir recounts the fight opposed to segregation in St. Augustine, Florida, within the early and mid-1960s. in the summertime of 1964 the nation’s oldest urban grew to become the heart of the civil rights stream as Martin Luther King Jr., inspired through President Johnson, a southerner, who made the civil rights invoice the centerpiece of his family coverage, selected this tourism-driven neighborhood as an excellent place to illustrate the injustice of discrimination and the complicity of southern leaders in its enforcement. St. Augustine used to be making plans an tricky get together of its founding, and anticipated beneficiant federal and nation help. but if the kick-off dinner was once introduced merely whites have been invited, and native black leaders protested. The affair alerted the nationwide civil rights management to the St. Augustine state of affairs in addition to fueling neighborhood black resentment. Ferment within the urban grew, convincing King to convey his impact to the management of the neighborhood fight. As King and his allies fought for definitely the right to illustrate, a in the community robust Ku Klux Klan counter-demonstrated. clash ensued among civil rights activists, neighborhood and from out-of-town, and segregationists, additionally home-grown and imported. The escalating violence of the Klan led Florida’s Governor to nominate kingdom legal professional Dan Warren as his own consultant in St. Augustine. Warren’s crack down at the Klan and his cutting edge use of the Grand Jury to nominate a bi-racial committee opposed to the intransigence of the Mayor and different officers, is an engaging tale of ethical braveness. this is often an insider view of a sympathetic intermediary within the tricky place of trying to deliver cause and conversation right into a risky state of affairs.
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Additional info for If It Takes All Summer: Martin Luther King, the KKK, and States' Rights in St. Augustine, 1964
The report also found that “Negroes are excluded entirely from the white power structure” and suggested that a biracial committee was needed to defuse the situation. It also recommended that federal contracts for Fairchild Stratos Corporation, the largest employer in St. ”25 At the end of the hearings, the committee called St. ” Mabel Norris Chesley, an editorial writer for the Daytona Beach News-Journal, was a member of the committee, as was Tobias Simon, a civil rights lawyer from Miami. Even these dire warnings failed to move city officials in St.
The headline asked. “The lines of resistance are tightening, and there is no communication between the races. The Police Chief, Virgil Stuart, like the Sheriff, is an ardent segregationist. So are the commissioners. ”2 The reference to the sheriff and the police chief, as well as the city commissioners, as ardent segregationists went to the heart of the problem in St. Augustine. The grand jury’s report on December 15, 1963, had urged “sincere and dedicated” individuals to sit down and discuss their differences.
Augustine’s city park, where slaves had been sold before the Civil War, to listen to pro–civil rights speeches. The park is in the heart of the old city, across the street from the Roman Catholic cathedral that was also home of Joseph Hurley, bishop of St. Augustine and a member of the Quadricentennial Commission. People often gathered in the park to rest under the shade of huge live oak trees that afforded some relief from the summer heat, especially when cool breezes blew in from the river a scant three hundred feet to the east.