By Peter B. Levy
Civil battle on Race highway, so named simply because Race highway was once the line that divided blacks and whites in Cambridge, Maryland, is a close exam of 1 of the main shiny in the neighborhood dependent struggles for racial equality in the course of the Sixties. starting with an summary of Cambridge, fairly its heritage of racial and sophistication family, Peter Levy strains the emergence of the fashionable civil rights circulation during this urban on Maryland's japanese Shore. Catalyzed by means of the arriving of freedom riders in 1962, the stream in Cambridge increased in 1963 and 1964 lower than the management of Gloria Richardson, essentially the most popular (and one of many few lady) civil rights leaders within the country. within the years after her departure from Cambridge, the move went into decline till 1967, while it underwent a quick revival that culminated with a insurrection allegedly incited via black energy spokesman H. Rap Brown. within the wake of the insurrection, blacks and whites in Cambridge sought to rebuild their urban and go back to a politics of moderation. besides the fact that, Spiro Agnew, then governor of Maryland, used the revolt to enhance his political occupation and the fortunes of the recent correct, thereby garnering the eye of the general public (as good as Richard Nixon) and attaining the vice-presidency in 1968. even as, H. Rap Brown observed his impact and that of the civil rights move decline. as well as offering worthwhile insights into Richardson and Agnew, this research is likely one of the few to envision a neighborhood in a "border" kingdom. Levy demonstrates that the objectives of the move weren't common, that techniques underwent consistent political and social swap, and that the effect at the micro point used to be no longer as fresh and fast as historians may have us think.
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Extra info for Civil War on Race Street: The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge, Maryland (Southern Dissent)
Some local businessmen even saw the decline of the Phillips Packing Company as an opportunity to escape from the iron grip of a single industry, to diversify and prosper economically and socially. In particular, Herman Stevens, Philip Williamson, Don Holdt, and Robert Davis, known locally as the “four horsemen,” aggressively pursued every business lead. In sales pitches to potential employers, they argued that the decline of Phillips presented a golden opportunity for industries choosing to locate in Cambridge.
2 million worth of landholdings, free blacks owned less than 1 percent. While the per capita holding of whites was $478, it was less than $14 for free blacks just before the Civil War. 9 This does not mean that Dorchester County was a paradise for the The Contours of History · 15 majority of whites. A good deal of evidence suggests the opposite. In contrast to Baltimore and western Maryland, Dorchester County was not linked to the rail system and did not develop any signiﬁcant manufacturing establishments prior to the Civil War.
Furthermore, the resolution of the strike via the heavy hand of the Phillips Packing Company raised the possibility that social disorder could accompany the collapse of the company itself. What would happen if the Phillips Packing Company, the agent of social stability and order, disappeared? Could the local elite rally Cambridge citizens around a campaign to rebuild the community’s economy or had they forfeited their chance to lead by siding with the Phillips Packing Company during the 1937 strike?