By Karin Friedrich, Barbara Pendzich
This quantity seeks to handle the doubts harboured through the West concerning the skill of East principal ecu states to construct smooth democracies and tolerant societies after the growth of the ecu Union eastwards. The culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is thereby usually missed in favour of the nationalist romanticism and xenophobia of the 19th and early 20th century, which arose from the explicit context of the walls of 1772-95. but citizenship in a multinational context was once a principal subject matter of the political debate in early sleek Poland-Lithuania. for plenty of modern spiritual and nationwide conflicts, this Commonwealth can't be an instantaneous version for imitation, yet could function a resource of notion a result of inventive options and compromises it negotiated whereas integrating many religions and ethnicities. individuals are James B. Collins, Karin Friedrich, Gershon David Hundert, Joanna Kostylo, Krzysztof Lazarski, Allan I. Macinnes, Barbara M. Pendzich, Felicia Roşu, Barbara Skinner, and Artūras Vasiliauskas.
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Additional info for Citizenship and Identity in a Multinational Commonwealth: Poland-lithuania in Context, 1550-1772 (Studies in Central European Histories)
Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Mss. fr. 16936, f. 1v. 10 On Bodin’s understanding of sovereignty, see the article by James B. Collins in this volume. 24 felicia ro^u distinction between the king and ‘his’ officers. Whereas in France the magistrates remained by excellence the representatives and delegates of the king’s authority, in Poland–Lithuania a vision started emerging in which supreme justice, within certain limits, could emanate from citizens as well, even though they still needed a king to sanction the new rules of justice that they were trying to implement.
If Goślicki, in his advocacy of government by the optimates, dismissed the ambitions of the non-noble citizens of the Commonwealth introduction 11 to demonstrate their patriotic credentials, he also had scant regard for the lesser nobility, the ‘szlachta masses’ in the district assemblies, the ‘county republicans’, as Collins calls them. Artūras Vasiliauskas, in contrast, dedicates his chapter to the rehabilitation of this group, specifically among the Lithuanian lower nobility, which has been much maligned by traditional historiography as easily-manipulated clients and political instruments of the Lithuanian–Ukrainian magnateria.
Future research will have to prioritise the cooperation between centre and periphery, look closely at how deals were negotiated, how political processes worked in detail, before passing judgement about an ‘apathetic’ lesser nobility under magnate control, or a passive, oppressed non-noble society in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. 26 If citizens in the localities and peripheries were eager participants in a political process, even if they were mainly aiming 26 Choińska-Mika, Miedzy społeczeństwem, 36–37, quoting for example from the diaries of Bazyli Rudomicz, a teacher at the Zamość Academy and an important royal official in the city; see Bazyli Rudomicz, Efemeros czyli Diariusz prywatny pisany w Zamościu w latach 1656–1672, 2 parts, transl.